Turkey’s NATO membership conundrum

Turkey has been an active member of NATO since it joined the alliance in 1952. Although, (1) it was not a neighbor of the Atlantic countries, (2) had an eastern socio-political culture, and (3) a weak economy, its desire for positing itself in the West through westernization (and secularization) and the Soviet threat led it to knock on the door of NATO several times. While NATO allies refused the first three applications, they welcomed Turkey in 1952.

Since then, Turkey has become a crucial NATO member, thanks to its positive contributions to the alliance. The first contribution made by Turkey to NATO was prior to its membership, when the Turkish army fought alongside Western countries in the Korean Peninsula. After seeing the capabilities of the Turkish army, the U.S.- and U.K.-led NATO admitted Turkey into the organization. Another reason was that while war-torn Western countries had a total of 32 military divisions ready for combat, the Turkish army alone had the same number as it did not fight in World War II.

With accession, Turkey became NATO’s frontline as it neighboured the Soviet Union. NATO’s land forces, jets, missiles, radars, and intelligence staff were deployed to Turkish territories. Perhaps, the fact that Turkey was a NATO member deterred the Soviet Union from attacking Turkey, but at the same time it transformed Turkish soil into a target in any likely war. Particularly, the storage of nuclear weapons in Turkish bases posed a great threat to Turkey’s security. Yet, throughout the Cold War, Turkish governments took all risks and remained loyal to the NATO Treaty they signed.

Turkey’s contributions to the alliance did not end when the Soviet bloc was dissolved in 1991. Right after the Dayton Treaty that ended the Bosnian War, Ankara sent troops to Bosnia and Herzegovina to uphold peace there. It also participated in NATO’s Kosovo operation and deployed troops after Kosovan territories were liberated.

The Turkish army went to Afghanistan after Americans called on NATO to invoke Article 5 in 2001. Furthermore, the Turkish army supported the Darfur Mission of the UN-African Union as a NATO member between 2005 and 2007. In addition, the Turkish navy has been present in the Gulf of Aden to prevent attacks of Somalian pirates and stop irregular immigration in the Mediterranean Sea.

What is more, the centre of NATO’s land forces (LANDCOM) is based in Izmir, and the Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) of NATO member states are free to land at Konya Airport. There is also a radar system located in Malatya. Moreover, the Turkish army is the second-largest in the organization, and the Turkish government is among the top five governments contributing to NATO expenses.

Despite Turkey’s evident commitment to NATO, Ankara’s relations with main NATO members, particularly the U.S., are not at the desired level. While the majority of NATO members argue that Turkey distances itself from the West, the Turkish side claims that its allies estranged Ankara with their policies. For instance, Turkey’s procurement of Russia-made S-400 missiles angered the US, which in return exerted CAATSA sanctions and removed Turkey from the F-35 program.

Yet, Turkey says it turned to Russia because earlier the US did not sell Patriot missiles to Ankara. In addition, there are undeclared sanctions on the Turkish defence industry. From small guns to tank engines, many components are not sold to Turkish defence firms, with the reasons offered for the sanctions being nonsensical. For example, Turkey’s military operations against the PKK/YPG terrorism are used as an excuse to ban arm sales. Ankara, in turn, views such positions as support for the terrorist groups.

Indeed, the U.S. and European countries openly support terrorist organizations fighting against Turkey. While they claim that the support is to defeat ISIS, the weapons they donate are used against the Turkish army. In addition, many members of terrorist organizations live safely in European countries, which claim that the Turkish government abuses the terrorists’ rights, forcing them to flee. The Turkish government sees Europe’s actions as a way of hurting Turkey.

Ankara also has differences with NATO members due to Sweden and Finland’s NATO membership, Greece’s irresponsible actions, and the Ukrainian war. Beginning with Ukraine, unlike other NATO members, Turkey did not cut its relations with Russia in order not to punish the Russian people and not to worsen the situation in Syria, where NATO has left Turkey alone against Russia. On the other hand, the Turkish government sent weapons to Ukraine and has never approved of Russia’s aggression. Moreover, the Black Sea Grain Initiative, facilitated by Turkey and NATO, allowed Ukraine to sell its grains to the world, primarily benefitting European countries who bought the most. So, Ankara’s policy is perhaps not anti-Russian, but is certainly pro-Ukraine, and nobody can deny how this policy has been beneficial to Ukraine.

Politics Today