Home ›› 16 Dec 2021 ›› Opinion
People have not got their desired Bangladesh as dreamt in 1971. They fought against the Pakistani regime to get an independent Bangladesh that will be free from imperialism and colonialism, and that will ensure their rights, but all their desires have ended up in the gutter.
In order to understand the situation, it is required to analyse the history of ancient, medieval, British and Pakistani colonialism and the events surrounding the 1971 Liberation War.
The Pala Empire was an imperial power during the post-classical period in the Indian subcontinent. The Pala dynasty ruled the regions of Bengal and Bihar for about 400 years. They brought stability and prosperity to Bengal after centuries of civil war between warring divisions and advanced the achievements of previous Bengali civilisation and created outstanding works of arts and architecture. They laid the basis for the Bengali language but they were not Bangalees.
The resurgent Hindu Sena dynasty dethroned the Pala Empire in the 12th century, ending the reign of the last major Buddhist imperial power in the Indian subcontinent.
After defeating the Senas, Muslims ruled Bengal for more than five and a half centuries. The Mughal emperors built and ruled the Mughal Empire on the Indian subcontinent, mainly corresponding to the modern countries of India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh. Mughals came from Central Asia.
The British Company that came in the subcontinent for commercial trading venture transformed into a political entity which ruled India about 190 years as per its divide and rule policy.
The Indian independence movement was a series of historic events with the ultimate aim of ending the British rule in India. Maximum nationalistic revolutionary movements for Indian independence emerged from Bengal, but finally leadership was under Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. He was not a Bangalee. Jinnah served as the leader of All-India Muslim League from 1913 till the inception of Pakistan on 14 August 1947. He was a Sindhi and became the founder of Pakistan.
When British colonial rule ended in August 1947, two new countries—India and Pakistan—were born violating the Lahore Resolution.
The Muslims of Bengal hoped that in the new Muslim state they would finally achieve a better standard of life. Given their past inferiority to Hindu landlords, British rulers, Bengal Muslims were looking forward to the West-Pakistani government to ensure their fundamental rights.
However, events did not unfold the way the Bengali people had hoped. The West Pakistani government proved even more discriminatory towards the people of East Pakistan in all spheres of life -- social, political and economic.
The government headquarters were established in the Western Wing. Besides, the political representation of different groups was not equal in the central government. It was dominated by the elite groups of West-Pakistan, mainly the Punjabis.
The Bengali population did not have significant representation in the government. Consequently, control over state-owned organisations, governmental mechanisms and the armed forces were in the hands of the dominant group.
During the years from 1947 to 1971, Pakistan experienced prolonged phases of military rule, which made it more difficult for the Banglees to gain access to political power. The Bengali population did not even have satisfactory political representation in their own province.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, affectionately known as Bangabandhu, became the national leader through various movements including, Agartala Conspiracy Case (Agartala Shorojontro Mamla), six-point demand and historic 7 March Speech.
Moulana Bhasani was the popular leader and always against injustice. At first he said to Pakistani regime Assalamu Alaikum, but he had not wished to win the state power. It was his limitation. Finally, he depended on Sheikh Mujib.
There was no unity among the leftist organisations during the Liberation War. But a maximum of them fought for the independence.
Sheikh Mujib had not called for united movement. As a national leader, he should have called for all patriotic parties to unite against the Pakistani regime. He had done wrong in this regard. He wanted only the leadership of Awami League.
Tajuddin Ahmed was the dynamic leader in AL, but Sheikh Mujib did not give him priority. Before the crackdown on 25 March in 1971, many senior leaders requested Sheikh Mujib not to be arrested, but he did not pay heed to their requests, and subsequently the Pakistani regime had him arrested and took to Pakistan.
Moulana Bhasani, Tajuddin and many other leaders went to India as the war was underway.
There was no national unity in true sense during the six-point movement in 1960s. The Awami League took up a go-slow strategy. It was leading the movement, but the party hadn’t been democratically organised. And in Bangabandhu’s absence during the independence war, the leadership was beset with all sorts of problems, and these problems grew all the more complex during Bangabandhu’s rule.
After the historic bloody war, people got a sovereign country, but it cannot be said they got their rights.
Awami League a party of opportunists and elite classes while its maximum leaders were corrupt. After liberation they were also involved in corruption that resulted in the famine that broke out in 1974.
Sheikh Mujib was bound to say he had imported 7.5 crore quilts, but he did not get his own. It was looted. There was corruption everywhere. A lot of people in Bangladesh still vividly recall the 1974 famine with great sadness and often with despair. It brought untold miseries to millions and resulted in deaths of many. People blamed AL men for it.
Then US secretary of state Henry Kissinger called Bangladesh a bottomless basket. Though America was our enemy, the remark of Kissinger was true because the situation of the country was deteriorating.
The formation of BAKSAL was not a good decision of the ruling party supremo. Many political think tanks and intellectuals opposed it.
Thus, the once popular leader Shekh Mujib became unpopular due to corruption of AL and he was killed by his men. He was a charismatic political leader, but not a good administrator.
After August 15, finally Major Zia seized the state power with martial law. He did not do any good. Not only Zia, any army personnel including Ershad who captured the state power made politics difficult. Gradually, the country became depoliticised. Subsequently, after Ershad was overthrown through mass movement, de-politicisation continued for the interest of imperialism. NGOs, civil societies and many other private organisations had a great role behind the depoliticisation. If a country becomes depoliticised, it has no hope at all.
As a state Bangladesh is very poor. There is no unity among politicians and intellectuals. A maximum of lawmakers are citizens of UK, Canada, Australia and many other countries.
Major political parties including Bangladesh Awami League, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) have given up the national interests. They are working only for their party interest, and are far from the people they claim to represent. They have no faith in people.
People are being treated inhumanly. They are now being cheated in the name of democracy. From UP election to parliamentary election, the election system has been destroyed.
The state machinery including the administration is highly corrupt. The education system is not conducive to building the state as well as the nation. Politics is also extremely corrupted. The political parties have no political character. Moral degradation is causing everything to rot from within. There is decay in every facet of national life. A majority of people believe that the situation can improve, but no quarter is taking initiative to bring about change.
A political party should be formed comprising committed people who will take the initiative to resolve the national crisis. The party manifesto must have pragmatic commitment to solve major problems facing people, and to build the state and the nation.
The party has to have farsightedness to win the support of the people. It has to proceed firmly with its pledges. People at present have no ethics, ideology or goals. Under such circumstances, everything has to be built anew. People in slumber must be awakened. If all these are done, Bangladesh may then be a model state for humankind.
No single government has any credit for the development of current Bangladesh. It is continuing process and the credit goes to people. They have earned money through sheer industry.
The writer is presently the Ahmed Sharif Chair Professor at Bangla Department in Dhaka University.
(The article is transcribed by Shahalom Sarder, Country Editor, The Business Post)
