Strengthening local government bodies

Experts have been stressing time and again about the importance of balance and trust among the various tiers of the government. Experts have stated that the ideal way to institutionalise democracy is to strengthen elected local government bodies ensuring transparency and accountability. Unfortunately the concept of decentralisation and strengthening of local government bodies is yet to take roots in Bangladesh. More often than not the decentralisation process has been infrastructural rather than institutional which ought to be the case. We do admit that in terms of efficiency all local government representatives are not always capable enough to properly manage administrative and development activities.

The solution lies is effective and democratic coordination between local and central government –but this should not result in undue bureaucratic and political interference in local government activities. Local government being much closer to their constituents would obviously be more responsive to local needs. Consequently they will be able to provide public services in a more efficient manner.

Bangladesh’s constitution in Article 59 and 60 has laid down the framework regarding the functions of local government bodies. The constitution urges direct participation of the people in forming the local bodies and in managing the affairs of such bodies.

The ground reality, however, is that these bodies remain weak. The Union Parishads, for instance, has been in existence for a long time but these have very limited powers and are subject to interference from the top down.  A Transparency International Bangladesh, survey revealed that the overwhelming majority of the Members of Parliament (MPs)–instead of legislative activities– are involved in controlling the decision making process of local government administrations. There have been allegations of MPs’ interference in test relief, food-for-work, and other social safety net programmes carried out at local government levels. There are hardly any other country where the lawmakers’ main concern and interest are in test relief, appointments in local educational institutions, and other such activities at local level. If this continues to be the case the demand for strengthening local governments would be rendered into meaningless inane platitudes. It goes without saying that the lawmakers should attend to making laws, for which they are elected.

It is only powerful local governments that can ensure development at the grassroots level.

Local governments have the power, if effectively enabled, to lessen the burden on central government. In theory at least this is a fact that has been appreciated by the government of Bangladesh which, in the last decades, has enacted several laws aimed at empowering local governments and enhancing the participation of the public in their governing processes. But, despite the various initiatives, they are still considered to be weak and underdeveloped as political institutions, and ineffective in delivering goods and services to citizens.

In the light of the Constitution of Bangladesh’s acknowledgement that states that people should have effective avenues for direct participation in the establishment and management of local governments. The real-world situation of people’s participation suggests that unfortunately, the spirit of this acknowledgement has not been upheld. While the scope for participation in local elections and decision-making processes has been extended in the last decade, the extent of the participatory experience to date has been limited.

 A paradigm shift in the political system took place in Bangladesh on October 12, 2015 with the decision of the cabinet to hold local polls on partisan basis.  There are two schools of thoughts on this issue. According to the conservative school of thought, though it is a little too early to settle on the party base electoral system of Union Parishads, the circumstances around Union Parishad elections deliver a wrong message. The volume of violence, the complaints related to nominations as well as corruption in the electoral system has been terrible.

As the Union Parishad elections were held on a non-partisan basis in the past, many neutral and locally popular people had opportunities to be elected. At present, however, such people did not come forward in many cases. Moreover, corruption in the nomination process has turned out to be a real cause for concern. Dedicated and honest politicians are also in the race of courting favors from the influential quarters. The wisdom behind the party-based model of Union Parishad elections is still being questioned heatedly.

According to many observers though, the party based elections have opened up opportunities for the local people to be mindful in selecting their local leaders as well as engaging in the development process at grassroots level. Such party-based local government election enables elected representatives to get the maximum benefit from the political government. The central political party in power can implement their agenda at the local level with maximum backing of UP elected representatives.

Past observations of local government in Bangladesh show that successive governments had to establish some kind of the local government structure in order to mobilise support of the rural communities in their favor by providing welfare measures. Hence, local government could not successfully provide opportunities to the people, irrespective of party affiliation, to participate in the development activities.

Pertinent observers have categorized colonial pattern of administration in local government as elitist and alienated nature. Administrative officials working at UP level are–generally speaking– bureaucratic and alienated from the people, and therefore, people cannot properly take part in different activities of local government.  The weakness of its socio-economic base remains a key obstacle in the way of democratic education through local government. The unequal economic structure tends to influence the local bodies by pro-partied class. They often tend to suit their class interest and purposes. As a result, local governments cannot render proper services to the people at local level. In response to the challenges of local government strengthening, the central government and local governments alike need urgently to address a range of possible reforms. The reforms of immediate significance concern the adoption of unified local government legislation, coupled with initiatives regarding local capacity and central-local relationships. These and other possibilities should all be geared to the strengthening and empowering of Union Parishads, Upazila Parishads and other local governments, with their likely value in enhancing public participation in local affairs being a prime consideration.

Several initiatives that the government should seriously consider are to frame a unified legal framework, invest more on the capacity enhancement, and establishment of a permanent and independent local government commission. If these initiatives are taken and implemented by the government without any delay, the days will not be very far when we would expect genuine peoples’ participation in the governing process of the local government bodies.

Any working democracy, including that of Bangladesh, requires the existence of a local government system that is self-governing, while also accountable to a higher authority and the public. Accordingly, the constitution specifies a clear separation of power between the central and local governments. But, despite the latter having appropriate constitutional recognition, central-level politicians do not uphold the spirit of the decentralisation of power which aims to empower local people to manage and control their community affairs.

To goal of transforming Bangladesh into a developed nation with a transparent political culture and ensuring a corruption free society, will not be achieves unless a strong, honest and dedicated local level government system is in place and allowed to perform without undue interference.

The writer is a journalist.

He can be contacted at smmsagar48@gmail.com