All the talk shows on various TV channels in Bangladesh now revolve around one topic — who were the perpetrators behind the nationwide destruction and arson attacks on key government establishments and public properties?
As usual, various government-affiliated specialists are pointing fingers at each other, echoing the ruling party's accusations since the dreadful events of July 18 and 19, suggesting that the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami are behind these attacks under the guise of the quota reform movement. This begs a glaring question—haven't we learned anything?
During my semi-long career in journalism, I have witnessed political unrest and significant student protests, including 2013’s Shahbagh protest, 2015’s protest against VAT on education, 2018’s quota reform protest and the road-safety protests; however, I have never seen this level of nationwide destruction.
As I watched the vandalism and arson attacks on key government establishments, from the BTV headquarters, the Bangladesh Road Transport Authority (BRTA) office, metro rail stations, Matsya Bhaban, toll plazas of the Dhaka Elevated Expressway, Police Bureau of Investigation office in Banasree, to a BGB camp in some district (one channel announced it but later it wasn’t mentioned in any media, surprisingly), and Setu Bhaban where miscreants used gunpowder, my mind continuously drifted to a similar incident I witnessed in my childhood—the series of bomb attacks by JMB in 2005.
Series bomb attack in 2005
On 17 August 2005, around 500 bomb explosions occurred at 300 locations in 63 out of the 64 districts of Bangladesh. The bombs exploded near government facilities within a half-hour period starting from 11:30am. In Dhaka, they exploded near the Bangladesh Secretariat, the Supreme Court Complex, the Prime Minister's Office, the Dhaka University campus, the Dhaka Sheraton Hotel, and Zia International Airport.
There is a reason why my mind kept returning to that incident. Although the BNP and Jamaat are sometimes confusingly portrayed as both weak and strong opponents of our ruling party, their recent activities and the extent of their protests never suggested they could carry out large-scale violence like this, especially over a quota reform movement that was declared apolitical from the start.
Narsingdi prison break
My concentration took another turn when I saw the prison break in Narsingdi. This incident was totally out of sync with the concurrent vandalism pattern. When I saw that over 800 inmates broke free, I was astonished and worried as my curious mind linked the countrywide vandalism and the jailbreak. This was the first time such an incident occurred in Bangladesh, where outsiders attacked a jail and aided the escape of all 826 inmates of the prison.
My worries grew larger when I received reports that 85 weapons and 8,150 rounds of ammunition were looted. My suspicion intensified when I learned that nine militants among the inmates were members of banned militant groups JMB and Ansarullah Bangla Team.
Many would call me a conspiracist, but it seemed to me that the countrywide vandalism and arson attacks were orchestrated to divert the attention of the public and law enforcers to facilitate the jailbreak of those militants.
Additionally, it was a calculated attempt to carry out a nationwide attack on government establishments under the guise of quota reform movement protesters and some opposition party activists—a clever way to get in and out without being spotted, only to return stronger in the future.
A closer look
If we closely examine the mass destruction inflicted, we see that major government establishments were targeted: the Bangladesh Television (BTV) headquarters, the Bangladesh Road Transport Authority (BRTA) office in Mirpur-10, which was set ablaze, engulfing three floors in flames; metro rail stations at Mirpur-10 and Kazipara, causing extensive damage and halting public transportation; the Matsya Bhaban, Drug Administration Bhaban, toll plazas of the Dhaka Elevated Expressway, Police Bureau of Investigation office in Banasree, and various regional offices of the Dhaka North City Corporation faced similar fates.
Generally, militant attacks often target government properties to challenge the regime and governance, similar to the 2005 series bomb attacks, which came to mind immediately after hearing the news of mass destruction and arson attacks. These incidents did not seem isolated but part of a coordinated effort to create widespread chaos and divert law enforcement's attention, preventing an immediate response to a prison break.
The use of gunpowder to torch the Setu Bhaban raises even bigger questions: how do student protesters or even opposition party activists acquire such materials? This suggests a pre-planned scheme.
According to media reports, violent clashes left two students dead in areas adjacent to the prison on July 18. On July 19, at around 1:30 pm, rioters picketed, but there was no major police patrol in the area. A few police personnel initially tried to defend the prison when rioters stormed the establishment at around 4 pm. The jail superintendent alleged that police did not arrive at the scene before 10 pm. Why were extra security forces not deployed around the prison area where deadly clashes had taken place the day before? This is not puzzling at all, as all the heavy forces were busy tackling the dire situation in Dhaka.
It seemed to me that the attackers had a well-defined strategy aimed at overwhelming law enforcement and creating a state of emergency, allowing them to carry out their primary objective—the prison break—without significant resistance.
Larger plot?
The coordinated nature of the attacks, the specific targets chosen, and the use of gunpowder suggest that this was more than just opportunistic violence. It appears to be a calculated attempt to weaken the state’s infrastructure and spread fear among the population. This strategy aligns with the tactics used by militant groups in the past, where creating chaos serves as a means to achieve larger strategic objectives.
Just prior to this whole shenanigan, reports of teenagers going missing from madrasas flooded Facebook and other social media platforms. Many of my acquaintances expressed worry and pointed out the pattern. Some of them, including me, initially bypassed it, but now it fits a pattern.
While returning home on a curfew night from the office, my colleague and I almost faced a group of picketers who picked up bricks and something else in their hands. I was sitting in front, barely able to see what they were holding. They were all standing near a burnt car. Somehow, our driver calmed them down and managed to get us out of that situation. They did not seem like students, opposition party activists, or ruling party activists. They seemed from local communities, often families from low-income groups, who are particularly vulnerable and easy to recruit for militant groups.
Of the nine militants who escaped from Narsingdi jail, five have been apprehended; four are still on the run. According to media reports, 481 prisoners have been captured, meaning 345 are still at large. If even one-third of them have been turned and radicalised, how many new militants are out there right now?
The coordinated effort to carry out this large-scale attack after laying low for years takes patience, which they obviously possess. The extent of their attack and the use of crude bombs and gunpowder also indicate that they may not lack ammunition either. If they go underground, regroup, and become stronger, they could return with double the force after one or two years. What more will we witness? It begs the question, but the bigger question remain— what is our government doing besides pointing fingers at the opposition?
Economic impact, international image
The economic impact of these attacks has been staggering. The power sector faced substantial losses, with estimated damages of Tk1,000 crore. The tourism sector, already struggling due to global economic conditions, suffered over Tk1,000 crore in losses. The export-oriented ready-made garments industry, a cornerstone of Bangladesh's economy, incurred direct losses amounting to Tk6,500 crore. The F-commerce sector was not spared either, counting Tk1,200 crore in damages. These figures underscore the devastating impact of the violence on the country's economy.
The international image of Bangladesh has taken a hit as well. The destruction of key infrastructure and the significant economic losses have raised questions about the country's stability and security. Foreign investors and partners may view these events with concern, potentially impacting future investments and economic growth. The violence has also drawn attention from global media, portraying Bangladesh as a nation struggling with internal chaos and a resurgence of militancy.
The repercussions of this negative portrayal can be far-reaching, affecting tourism, foreign direct investment, and overall economic confidence. It is essential for the government to take proactive measures to restore stability and reassure the international community of its commitment to maintaining law and order.
A lapse in intelligence?
While the intelligence agencies in Bangladesh have a commendable track record of preventing numerous attacks, the recent violence indicates a potential lapse in surveillance and preemptive action. It is crucial for these agencies to enhance their efforts in monitoring and disrupting militant activities. This includes addressing the root causes of radicalisation, improving inter-agency coordination, and leveraging technological advancements in intelligence gathering.
Given the extent of the damage and the strategic execution of the attacks, it is imperative for the government to reassess its security measures and intelligence operations. The possible involvement of militants in the recent events highlights a critical threat to national sovereignty that cannot be ignored. The government must prioritise the apprehension of the remaining escapees and dismantle any militant networks that may have facilitated the prison break.
The recent events following the quota reform movement do not seem to be a coincidence or just a spontaneous outburst of public anger towards the government but rather a coordinated attack on Bangladesh's sovereignty. It is crucial for the government to acknowledge this threat and take measures to quash it, ensuring the safety and security of its citizens. The losses incurred should remain a stark reminder of how concurrent situations can be utilised by third parties to fulfil their own agendas.
The author is a journalist currently working at The Business Post
